|Posted on January 19, 2017 at 7:50 PM||comments (0)|
Witnesses are usually assessed according to their credibility and reliability.
In cases where there are disputes of fact, the performance of the relevant witnesses will be critical, as the case is likely to be determined according to which witnesses are believed and which are not.
This article discusses dome of the do’s and don’ts involved in giving evidence at a hearing.
It is important to define the following terms:
Credibility – this term refers to whether a witness is honest and doing their very best to tell the truth, or whether they are attempting to mislead or deceive the court.
Reliability – this refers to whether the recollection or perception of a witness is accurate.
How to be an impressive witness
In our opinion, a witness should observe the following in order to be seen as a credible and reliable witness:
1. Listen to the questions you are asked. This one may seem obvious, but is often not followed by witnesses. Some witnesses will blurt out the first thing that comes into their head before they have even heard the whole question. Listening to the whole question before you answer will reduce the likelihood of you making the common mistake the subject of the following paragraph.
2. Answer the questions you are asked. This one may also seem obvious, but is surprisingly often not heeded by witnesses. I once had a client who when I would ask a simple yes or no question to, he would go on a 5 minute monologue, at the end of which I would find that my question had not been answered. Needless to say, I was not surprised to hear a barrister say that he was the worst witness he has ever seen. Failing to answer the question can make you seem shifty and evasive, and this will reflect poorly on your credibility. Finally, failing to provide a response which answers the question tends to annoy the judge hearing the case, who may make his or her displeasure known, in which case you will know that things are not going well at all.
3. Ensure that your evidence is accurate. Again, it is surprisingly common for a witness to exaggerate or say things which are not true, even if they may not have intended to mislead. For instance, I once asked a client during a telephone conversation if she had done a particular thing she had been asked to, and she said that she had done ‘everything’. I then asked to confirm whether she had done the thing I had asked her – and she answered no. This client would have been a lousy court witness. Inaccurate or exaggerated answers give the impression that you are not a person who is sufficiently focused or who takes inadequate care with facts, and this affects your reliability as well as your credibility.
4. Keep it short and sweet, especially when you are being cross-examined. A lot of witnesses ramble on, not realising that the more they say the more likely they are to slip up. If you only say one thing in response to a question, you are 100 times less likely to make a mistake than if you say 100 things. This is why a prudent witness will keep their answers concise and to the point when they are cross-examined.
5. Frankly admit things that look bad on you. When a Judge or Magistrate is assessing your credibility, he or she will often pay special attention to those occasions when you are asked to admit something that reflects poorly on you or which may harm your case. A witness who admits such matters at the first opportunity without resistance if they are true is more likely to be believed on other matters compared to a witness who attempts to avoid or even denies such matters when they are later established. Nothing is more harmful to a witness’ credibility than when they deny something which the cross-examiner later establishes as true.
6. Don’t argue with the cross-examiner. Your job as a witness is to give evidence by answering the questions posed to you, not to argue against anyone. An argumentative witness is not a witness who gives the impression that they are always telling the gospel truth. Rather, they are obviously self-interested and probably place that above their duty to tell the truth.
7. Don’t be overly emotional. There are cases when showing emotion will make you more plausible and may also elicit judicial sympathy. For instance, if you are the victim of a serious crime, shedding some tears in the witness box probably won’t hurt you. On the other hand, witnesses who show anger or becoming irritable rarely come across well. Furthermore, they are more likely to make a mistake or becomes non-sensical if they are overcome by emotion. Remember that you duty is to tell the truth in relation to every question, not to get things off your chest or bear your soul. A sound witness is usually calm, and gives considered answers to the questions.
8. Avoid giving hearsay or opinions. Hearsay involves proving something to be true by means of a statement said outside of court. Generally speaking, hearsay and opinion evidence are both inadmissible (there are exceptions). A witness who keeps introducing inadmissible hearsay evidence is going to irritate the court, and may also give the impression of being shifty and evasive. Opinion evidence from a lay witness will not only be disallowed, but will also affect the impartiality of the witness. Witnesses who are unable to distinguish between facts and opinions are inevitably seen as unreliable because everything they see is obviously tinted by their own preconceived views.
Many a judge, solicitor or barrister has observed witnesses who lack self-awareness in relation to the way they are perceived by others. If they are not shell shocked during cross examination, they are when judgment is handed down and they discover what an unimpressive witness they were in the eyes of the judge or Magistrate.
In some ways, being a persuasive witness in court is similar to being a persuasive witness outside court. A calm witness who listens carefully and responds directly and conscientiously to the questions they are asked is inherently more believable than an angry, argumentative and occasionally evasive witness who is not careful to ensure their evidence is accurate.
In court, the assessment of a witnesses’ credibility and reliability is tested in cross examination where the qualities of the witness described herein come into focus. It is therefore very important that the witness is able to withstand the rigours of cross examination by observing the above common sense rules.
Remember that your role is merely to say what you saw and answer every question as accurately as you can.
|Posted on November 7, 2016 at 9:30 PM||comments (0)|
On 4 November 2016, Judge Jarrett of the Federal Circuit Court of Australia dismissed a claim brought by Cindy Prior under section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act 1975 (Cth) as a result of posts published on Facebook by students at the Queensland University of Technology that complained of being kicked out of an ‘Indigenous only’ computer lab. This ends a 3 year long legal saga and ordeal for the students concerned.
On 28 May 2013, some students were kicked out of a computer lab reserved for Aboriginal students.
QUT student Alex Wood posted the following comment on Facebook:
Just got kicked out of the unsigned indigenous students computer lab. QUT stopping segregation with segregation?
Another student named Jackson Powell joined in with this comment:
I wonder where the white supremacist computer lab is
A third student named Calum Thwaites denied making a Facebook post which referred to ‘ITT niggers’.
Section 18C(1) of the Racial Discrimination Act 1975 (Cth) provides as follows:
Offensive behaviour because of race, colour or national or ethnic origin
(1) It is unlawful for a person to do an act, otherwise than in private, if:
(a) the act is reasonably likely, in all the circumstances, to offend, insult, humiliate or intimidate another person or a group of people; and
(b) the act is done because of the race, colour or national or ethnic origin of the other person or of some or all of the people in the group.
People sued under section 18C typically seek to plead the defence under section 18D:
Section 18C does not render unlawful anything said or done reasonably and in good faith:
(a) in the performance, exhibition or distribution of an artistic work; or
(b) in the course of any statement, publication, discussion or debate made or held for any genuine academic, artistic or scientific purpose or any other genuine purpose in the public interest; or
(c) in making or publishing:
(i) a fair and accurate report of any event or matter of public interest; or
(ii) a fair comment on any event or matter of public interest if the comment is an expression of a genuine belief held by the person making the comment.
A famous case of when section 18C resulted in a successful suit was in the case of Eatock v Bolt  FCA 1103 (28 September 2011). In that case a conservative columnist named Andrew Bolt was found to have contravened s18C by writing mocking columns concerning a handful of individuals of part Aboriginal descent who identified as Indigenous. Bolt had suggested that these individuals had chosen to identify as Aboriginal in order to qualify for prizes and obtain career clout.
Judge Jarrett’s decision
Judge Jarrett found that the abovementioned comments by Wood and Powell were not reasonably likely to offend, insult or humiliate. Wood saying that he had been kicked out of a computer lab for not being Indigenous was a statement of fact. Powell’s comment asking about a computer lab for white supremacists was a poor attempt at humour and nothing more. Judge Jarrett accepted that Thwaites was not responsible for the Facebook post which contained the word ‘nigger’.
For these reasons the claim was dismissed.
This case arose from comments made on social media by students expressing understandable displeasure at having been thrown out of a computer room on the basis of their race. It is astounding that the Facebook comments in question resulted in a three year legal journey, including conciliation at the Human Rights Commission and proceedings in the Federal Circuit Court of Australia. Far more offensive things are said and done every day which do not result in any legal processes, and few would suggest that they should.
However, it is wrong to suggest that Ms Prior’s claim was vexatious. Although Judge Jarrett found in favour of the students, Prior still did have an arguable case. The comments in question could arguably have been likely to offend, and did in fact obviously upset Prior. For this reason, the case highlights and demonstrates the need to repeal or amend section 18C in order to prevent similar claims being brought in future.
The suggestion that the law worked well and justly by dismissing the claim ignores the fact that the students have endured enormous stress, inconvenience and reputational damage as a result of this case. They would have also incurred massive legal bills if Tony Morris QC had not agreed to act pro bono. The students must be considered victims of the case and a law which allows such a case to be brought to court at the very least needs to be reformed for this reason alone.
Identity politics and political correctness
An interesting and yet unfortunate aspect of the case is the fact that Ms Prior’s emotional reaction to the posts was a grossly disproportionate response. Perhaps this is not surprising given the advent of identity politics and political correctness in recent decades.
Identity politics, a child of cultural Maxism, is underpinned by a worldview which divides people into groups of oppressors and the oppressed, rather than as individuals who each have their own unique experiences. Justice involves granting special rights to members of oppressed groups in order to compensate for past wrongs committed against members of their group. According to this viewpoint, Indigenous disadvantage today is entirely the direct result of historical wrongs which have been committed against many Indigenous persons in the past, and to suggest otherwise is to be guilty of racism. Perhaps this is the real reason why Bill Leak’s controversial cartoon about broken homes in remote Indigenous communities so upset the politically correct. Principles of personal responsibility are eschewed because any wrongs committed by the oppressed are attributed to oppressors, to the long term detriment of such individuals.
Political correctness is the ideological sibling of identity politics. Political correctness holds that we must not say or do things which might upset members of oppressed groups. It infantalises by treating members of certain groups as particularly sensitive beings in need of protection from hurtful comments, and provides moral validation and encouragement to those who take offence, in doing so promoting feelings of grievance. Section 18C itself is the legal promulgation of political correctness in Australia. One politically correct former academic has even described attempts to reform section 18C as being “not about free speech, but the freedom of white men to hand out racial abuse”.
Cindy Prior had clearly benefited from identity politics. We know that her Aboriginality obviously helped her obtain a role as an administrative officer in QUT’s Oodgeroo Unit on what may well be more favourable pay and conditions than a position she could have obtained in the private sector. She would have felt that asking non-Indigenous students to leave a computer lab reserved for Indigenous students was only just and fair. The result of identity politics and political correctness was a person of unusual psychological fragility.
The psychological report of Dr Simone Shaw revealed that Prior unlikely to attribute personal responsibility to events that occur in her life, as well as the following:
Ms Prior presents with strong convictions in relation to fairness and equity and her sense of injustice, not only in relation to the most recent workplace incident, but this was also evident through her recollections of her involvement in four previous workplace incidents and two historical personal incidents that subsequently caused her significant distress and she reportedly instigated legal involvement on several occasions to resolve those issues. Her core belief of fairness and equity justice has resulted in a sense of injustice in relation to the incident on 28 May, 2013.
The evidence before the Federal Circuit Court suggested that Cindy Prior’s pre-existing psychological frailties, which made her fear a KKK presence at her university as a result of the abovementioned Facebook posts, were the products of the infantilisation of Indigenous peoples caused by identity politics and political correctness. And having been humiliated in the courts and facing a substantial award of costs against her, she is now for a variety of reasons a victim of identity politics and political correctness.
Those supporters of section 18C who are so concerned with the psychological wellbeing of Indigenous individuals should bear in mind the unintended consequences of identity politics and political correctness that underpinned their support for section 18C. As well as promoting political divides and restricting fundamental rights such as free speech, identity politics and political correctness ultimately harm the very people they are intended to assist.
|Posted on August 2, 2016 at 6:15 AM||comments (1)|
The laws of defamation apply to social media as much as they apply anywhere else:
A FORMER high school student has been ordered to pay $105,000 to a teacher for writing defamatory remarks about her on social media in what is believed to be Australia’s first Twitter defamation case to go to trial.
Former Orange High School student Andrew Farley, 20, made “false allegations” about music teacher Christine Mickle on Twitter and Facebook in 2012, a year after he had left school.
Mr Farley, who had never been taught by Ms Mickle, seemed to bear a grudge against the 58-year-old based on a belief that she had something to do with his father, also a teacher, leaving the school, District Court Judge Michael Elkaim said in his ruling.
“There is absolutely no evidence to substantiate that belief,” Judge Elkaim said. “The effect of the publication on the plaintiff was devastating.’’
Anyone who frequents Twitter (or other social media) on a regular basis would know that false and defamatory assertions are often made about people. In some ways it's a surprise that it's taken this long for such a case to result in an award of damages in Australia.
Another twitter defamation case that went to court is that of Liberal pollsters Mark Textor and Lyndon Crosby against former Labor MP Mike Kelly for a tweet Kelly published about push polling.
When people go on social media to rant, they would be well advised to be careful that they do not open themselves to liability for defamation. A right to rant is not the same as a right to defame.
|Posted on July 24, 2016 at 6:35 PM||comments (0)|
To: The Human Rights Working Group
Queensland Law Society
RE CALL FOR SUBMISSIONS ON A BILL OF RIGHTS
We refer to the invitations for submissions concerning a Bill of Rights in Australia in the February 2016 edition of Proctor.
We write to voice our opposition to a Bill of Rights, for the reasons below.
Self-interest is a common motivation behind most human actions. This is true for groups of people such a professions and industries as it is for individuals. This explains why the superannuation industry always advocates for more money to be taken from employers and employees and into superannuation funds. Hence also why many (if not most) trade union officials deny there is a problem with union corruption and oppose any moves to make them accountable to their members.
Of course, lawyers are also influenced by their self-interest. Hence why personal injuries lawyers have always opposed restrictions imposed by parliaments on personal injury claims and awards of damages. Of course, the future clients of the firm would benefit from not having such restrictions, but so would the personal injury lawyers, who would obtain more work, and hence enjoy more opportunities, greater profitability and greater security of employment than otherwise.
Who will be the beneficiaries of a Bill of Rights? Some clients of lawyers will be better off. Some will be able to sue and obtain damages for matters that they previously were unable to claim for. But again, the beneficiaries will also be the lawyers who will have more work as a result of more litigation being made possible through a Bill of Rights.
Most people will be less free
Meanwhile, the vast majority of people will be indirectly worse off. People will have less freedom within their own lives to act and express themselves as they see fit, out of fear that they may be sued for doing so.
Decisions such as that of the Federal Court in Eatock v Bolt  FCA 1103 (28 September 2011), in which a columnist was found to have breached section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act 1975 (Cth) for offending and humiliating a number of individuals of Aboriginal ancestry, will be more common if a Bill of Rights is enacted. In Canada, the Human Rights Commission has prosecuted conservative columnists for “hate speech”, including for the publishing of some cartoons. As an indication of how dangerous it might be to criticize a Human Rights regime, conservative pundit Ezra Levant was also prosecuted for describing the Human Rights Commission as “crazy”. A Bill of Rights which in any way attempts to protect people’s feelings or determine what behaviours are acceptable will inevitably stifle liberty and freedom of speech.
For every person who has an injunction made in their favour, at least one other person will have an injunction against them making them not able to lawfully say or do a certain thing. Furthermore, the mere possibility of being sued is often a sufficient deterrent from acting freely, particularly since the vast majority of individuals and businesses simply want to pursue their own interests without any unnecessary stress, hassle, risk or bother.
As lawyers, we all know that when we advise our clients we often err on the side of caution so that we are not later blamed for having understated or minimised a risk that eventuated. As a result, we will tend to advise against a course of action if our clients may be sued for it, whether or not the case against them would be particularly strong. The result is a less free and open society out of fear of legal action.
We are not suggesting that all offensive or obnoxious behavior should be tolerated or condoned. Rather, the difference between our position and the position underlying a Bill of Rights concerns how standards of courtesy or civility should be upheld. In our view, the role of civil society should be respected. Those whose behavior or speech is considered unacceptable by most can expect to lose friends and good company, may receive criticism from others and in some cases can lose their employment. On the other hand, those proposing a Bill of Rights are implicitly suggesting that the state should define acceptable cultural norms and manners, and that the law should enforce such standards. We reject this position. Firstly, it involves elites rather than ordinary people determining what is acceptable. Secondly, what is deemed acceptable or unacceptable can evolve over time, and the law is often slow to change accordingly. Thirdly, having the law take such an active role in human life strikes us as slightly totalitarian.
Furthermore, the effect of making the law encroach on human affairs in this way would have a chilling on our culture. A culture of fear of offending other’s feelings, or otherwise ‘infringing’ their ‘rights’ would develop as some people are made examples of through the courts and are ruined financially. A culture of grievance would also be enhanced, as people would be rewarded financially and in other ways for being offended and then complaining about it. The long term result is that we would all become more sensitive, and everyone would have to be careful in the ways in which they speak or act.
Inevitably, a Bill of Rights will result in more litigation against individuals and corporations. For every person who has an award or settlement for damages in their favour, at least one other person will be liable to pay those damages. Overall, the lawyers win and the community loses.
The community will be poorer
Inevitably, a Bill of Rights will also result in more litigation against governments, government departments and authorities. Effectively, taxpayers will have to pay more taxes in order for criminals, illegal immigrants, terrorists and others to have more ‘rights’ than they presently enjoy.
An excellent demonstration of this sort of outcome occurred when a Muslim pedophile successfully sued the Queensland Department of Corrections for not providing him with fresh halal meat in prison. The cost of defending the proceeding, the award of $2,000 compensation and providing inmates with the option of fresh halal meat in prison were all imposed on the taxpayer. If a Bill of Rights is ever enacted, we can expect more such decisions and more pain for taxpayers.
People will be less safe
The experience of having a Human Rights Act in the United Kingdom has also been instructive, and suggests that the public will be made less safe from criminals and terrorists.
The UK Human Rights Act creates a free-standing cause of action that allows individuals to bring claims against public authorities that act incompatibly with human rights. It has become known as a ‘Villain’s Charter’ due to a number of strange decisions made pursuant to it and the Act tending to disproportionately assist those who have committed offences at the expense of everyone else.
Take for instance the case of convicted terrorist Siraj Yassin Abdullah Ali, sentenced to nine years in jail for his role in the Islamist bomb plot of July 21, 2005. In a decision under the UK Human Rights Act, it was decided that he could not be deported to his native Eritrea because he might face “inhumane treatment” there. As a result, he was released from prison and the community was made less safe. There are at least seven similar cases where terrorists in the UK have not been deported because of their Human Rights Act. Whether such types remain in prison or they are released from prison (with authorities closely monitoring their activities), the costs to the public purse are substantial.
Such decisions in Australia will ensure that there are more criminals and terrorists on our streets.
For these reasons stated above, we submit that the losers under such a change would be the public at large. So far we have not read a single proponent of a bill of rights acknowledge this obvious fact.
Who makes the political decisions?
In Australia and most other countries, there will always be open disagreements between well-meaning and reasonable people about many political issues. A few well known examples of such contentious issues include the following:
1) In what circumstances (if any) should a woman have a right to terminate an unwanted pregnancy?
2) Should an employer be allowed to dismiss an employee at will without having an industrial tribunal later determine whether the dismissal was unfair and order reinstatement and/or compensation?
3) Should a government dismiss many public servants in order to reduce its outlays when its budget is in deficit?
4) Should a person be allowed to terminate their own life if they no longer wish to live?
5) Should the death penalty be imposed for the most serious offences?
6) In what circumstances should a person have a right to own or carry a firearm?
7) Should gay people be allowed to marry?
8 ) Should Australia have an Emissions Trading Scheme, carbon tax or some other price on carbon?
9) Should individuals be entitled to sue others for offending, humiliating or insulting them?
The issue of a Bill of Rights raises the issue of who should be deciding what the law should be with respect to these sorts of issues. Should the parliaments of this nation, elected by the people over whom they govern decide, or should judges, who are not elected decide?
A Bill of Rights will inevitably result in judges deciding on such contentious questions in lieu of parliaments, as they will have cases come before them in which they will have to decide the nature and scope of the ‘rights’ which have been bestowed by a Bill of Rights.
Take for instance if a Bill of Rights contains a provision for the right to life. Does an unborn fetus have this right? Does it prevent a woman from legally terminating her pregnancy? A judge will have to decide these sorts of questions.
It is important that the law is consistent in order to provide clarity to the community. Trying to reconcile the terms of a Bill of Rights with other legislative provisions which might be inconsistent or incongruous (or determine which should prevail) will introduce a level of uncertainty in the law which will have to be resolved through litigation, and judges providing precedents within this new jurisdiction. This task will be infused with absurdity, as the judge will often assume that the legislature intended for the legislative provision in question and the Bill of Rights to co-exist when in most cases a previous parliament passed a law without contemplating that it would years later be read in conjunction with a Bill of Rights. It is impossible for the parliament to review every law in the statute books and evaluate whether it ought to be amended or repealed in light of the Bill of Rights. The judiciary will effectively be left to clean up the legal mess caused by the Bill of Rights. And in doing so it will be effectively making law rather than applying it.
Why the judiciary should not make politically contentious decisions
We submit that there are at least three different problems with having judges determine our rights:
1) Judges are appointed, not elected by the people;
2) Judges cannot be removed for making a decision which most people disagree with. Judges can only be removed in exceptional circumstances such as serious misconduct or a loss of capacity; and
3) In general, Judges tend to come from a very narrow cross section of society. They are required to be qualified lawyers, and typically have privileged backgrounds where they were born into affluent families and received expensive private educations.
These observations are not intended to criticise or insult the judiciary. Nor are they a criticism of how judges are appointed, or of the mechanisms which ensure their independence from the executive and the legislature. Rather, they demonstrate how the judiciary as an institution is inherently ill-suited to deciding on controversial political issues.
The fundamental advantage that a parliament has in a democracy is the fact that its members are elected by the people and can be voted out if they make decisions which too many people disagree with. A Bill of Rights would help ensure that political power is increasingly concentrated in the hands of a few, and that ordinary people are excluded from many political decisions.
In the United States, the Supreme Court has overruled the state legislatures (and the result of a referendum in California) and declared that gays should be allowed to marry. The Supreme Court has often taken activist positions with its creative interpretations of the Constitution. Meanwhile, ordinary people in the United States feel that the nation is being controlled by an elite that undermines their own interests. This is no doubt a contributing factor in why people in the United States feel powerless and angry, and many of them have turned to supporting Donald Trump as President. We in Australia should not feel immune to such revolts, especially if a Bill of Rights is ever introduced.
Another noteworthy aspect to this issue is that many of the proponents of a Bill of Rights are intent on imposing a left-wing political agenda. Such individuals, who tend to support a republic, gay marriage, open border immigration policies and lots of government spending have been disappointed by successive governments that have not implemented their agenda. It is highly likely that a Bill of Rights, if ever introduced, will be used as a vehicle to promote a left-wing ideological agenda that would never be endorsed by the Australian people. The undeclared hopes of the supporters of a Bill of Rights that the judiciary would generally be more accommodating of their political agenda appears to be well founded given the cases mentioned and referred to in this letter.
Less power to the people
Proponents of a Bill of Rights often claim that a Bill of Rights would not intrude on parliamentary supremacy or prevent the governments from pursuing certain policy objectives. In our view, this argument overlooks the realities of the political process. In practice, judges would often interpret legislation in order to make it consistent with a Bill of Rights, and this would in effect change the meaning and application of legislation passed by parliaments. Further, politicians, who are also motivated by their own self-interest, are often only too happy to hide behind judicial and quasi-judicial decisions so that they are not held responsible for unpopular decisions (I note the above-mentioned decision concerning the provision of fresh halal meat in prison was never overturned). With partisan politics and recalcitrant Senates, governments will often be unable to pass legislation to correct unpopular decisions even in cases where they have the will to, and it is fanciful to believe that a double dissolution election over a controversial decision pursuant to a Bill of Rights would ever be likely.
A good example which demonstrates how political judicial decisions can stand despite the will of the people is the High Court decision in Plaintiff M70/2011 v Minister for Immigration and Citizenship; Plaintiff M106 of 2011 v Minister for Immigration and Citizenship  HCA 32 (31 August 2011), which effectively killed off a democratically elected government’s policy to stop unauthorized boat arrivals through a highly creative interpretation of section 198A of the Migration Act 1958 (Cth). As French CJ himself noted while finding that any declaration under s198A(3) of the Migration Act was invalid if it involved taking unlawful non-citizens to a nation which was not a signatory to the Refugee Convention, “These proceedings involve legal issues which arise in a strongly contested area of public policy”.
Meanwhile, a strong majority of the Australian people wanted the government to put an end to the unauthorised boat arrivals. Due to the combination of an obstructive Senate and an activist High Court decision, the will of the people was not put into effect and the unauthorized boat arrivals and drownings at sea continued. Under a Bill of Rights it is inevitable that similar decisions are made by courts which are not corrected by the people’s assembly.
The reality is that politicians already have a heavy workload and substantial volumes of legislation are passed through our parliaments every year. It is unrealistic to expect parliaments to correct every strange and unpopular decision which is made as a consequence of a Bill of Rights providing judges with jurisdiction over contentious political issues. The evitable result of a Bill of Rights is that political power is transferred from the people to the judiciary by default.
The philosopher and economist F.A. Hayek argued that one of the key advantages that the market possesses over central planners is that the market utilises the knowledge of every participant within it, which involves the local and unique knowledge of a much greater number of people than any central planner ever could harness. While democracy is far from a perfect political system (the majority is not always right), the inherent advantage it has over rule by elites is that it incorporates the knowledge, beliefs and will of a far greater variety of people of different backgrounds, interests and wishes. Through a process of open and rigorous debate (which will be stifled if a Bill of Rights is introduced), ideas can be tested, challenged, replaced and improved. A judicial decision by definition is not based on such a process. The people are better suited than the judiciary to decide over contentious political issues.
To summarise, it is submitted that a Bill of Rights is an idea which should be soundly rejected for the following reasons:
1) It reflects the interests of lawyers, and not those of the community;
2) It would make people less free because they could be sued more easily, and would have to watch what they say and do;
3) Everyone would have to pay more in taxes;
4) It would have long term effects on our culture because it encourage taking offence, victimhood and grievance;
5) It would introduce legal uncertainty and more litigation; and
6) It would effectively result in judges deciding political questions, and parliaments could seldom be expected to correct such decisions.
Finally, we would encourage the committee to focus more on the practical consequences than the sentimental appeal of abstract rights. We believe there is a stark contrast between the two, and that rejecting a Bill of Rights will help protect freedom, justice and democracy.
We give the Human Rights Working Group permission to publish or distribute this submission as it sees fit.
Legal Practitioner Director
Sterling Law (Qld) Pty Ltd